Should we seek a better future? Few
of us would deny that we should seek a better future -- for
ourselves, for our friends and contemporaries, and for our children
and grandchildren. Nor shall I dispute this affirmation. But do we
have a moral obligation to attempt to improve the life conditions of
those who will live in the distant future? The claim that we do also
enjoys widespread acceptance -- in political rhetoric, if not in
practice. But if we look closely at this question, a curious and
troubling paradox emerges. Attempts to change conditions in the
remote future have the result of causing different persons to live in
that future.-- persons who (qua "different persons") will
lead lives that will not be "made better" than they otherwise would
have been, even by successful efforts now to improve life conditions
at that remotely future time. This consideration has led some
observers to question whether we have any obligations whatever to our
distant descendants. "The Future Persons Paradox" has been considered
by several philosophers; among them, Robert M. Adams, Gregory Kavka,
Christopher Morris and, most prominently, Derek
Parfit.(1)
Perhaps the most rigorous and unyielding statement of this paradox is
that of the political scientist, Thomas Schwartz.(2)
His statement of the paradox will serve as the focus of my
examination.
The paradox raised by Schwartz and
the above-mentioned philosophers is of no small significance. From
some apparently compelling facts about the contingencies of human
reproduction, it seems to follow that (a) no individuals can be benefited by
our attempts to improve the conditions of life in the remote future. Thus, the argument continues, (b) there is no
obligation to adopt policies that will improve these conditions. "The future persons paradox," then, is a gate which must be
successfully negotiated before our generation can reasonably propose
and adopt policies in behalf of the remote future -- policies such as
those involving sustainable research and development, population
growth, biodiversity, disposal of toxic wastes, etc. If the paradox
forces acceptance of conclusion (b), it follows that we are absolved
of all moral responsibility toward the remote future.(3)
Conversely, to those who believe that we do, in fact, have
obligations to our remote descendants, falls the task of
demonstrating how we are to avoid conclusion (b).
My task in this paper will be to
reject (b), while conceding (a). That is to say: I will argue that we
should, in fact, seek to improve the conditions of life of
individuals in the remote future, even though these policies will
result in different individuals living in that future, and thus,
strictly speaking, that these policies will "improve" the lives of no
particular individuals in that future.
II
As environmental scientists
constantly remind us, it is apparent that we of this generation are
in a position to affect profoundly the living conditions in the
remote future. On the agenda of decisions before us are such matters
as nuclear technology and the disposal of nuclear wastes, the
destruction of wild areas and the extinctions of wild species, global
warming and other permanent alterations of the atmosphere and the
oceans, the depletion of nonrenewable resources, and the continuation
of unregulated population growth. Each and all of these issues, and
our abilities and inclinations to manage them, have grave and
portentous implications for generations far into the remote
future.
Are we not, therefore, morally
obligated to act with care and concern for the welfare of those who
will live in the remote future? Thomas Schwartz believes we are not. He writes: "We've no obligation extending indefinitely or even
terribly far into the future to provide any widespread, continuing
benefits to our descendants."(4)
Schwartz offers a careful, compelling and thus disquieting formal
argument in support of this claim -- an argument which appears to be
valid. I shall assume that it is valid, in a strictly formal
sense. Schwartz fails to notice, however, that his (valid)
formal conclusion is not equivalent to the essential contention of
his paper. It is his leap from his formal conclusion to his "general
contention" that I will resist. I will then conclude that our moral
responsibilities to the distant future emerge from Schwartz'
challenge essentially unmodified.(5)
In addition I will
contend that Schwartz's formally valid argument is unsound due to the
untenability of a key premise
Schwartz's formal argument proceeds
from four premises through five formal steps to a conclusion. Three
of the premises together explicate the concepts "obligation," "harm,"
and "benefit." This explication yields, in effect, what Derek Parfit,
Jan Narveson, and others have called the "person affecting
principle"; namely, "We should do what harms people least and
benefits them the most."(6)
Essential to Schwartz's application of this principle, and the3refore to his
argument, is the further assumption that moral obligation
applies only to acts which alter, for better or worse, the life
conditions of particular individuals. Schwartz puts it this way: "I
don't see how we can be morally required to adopt [policy] P
unless we owe it to [a particular] someone to adopt P --
unless our not adopting P would, in some broad sense, wrong
someone."(7)
This apparently secure interpretation of the person affecting principle will later be the focus of my
criticism. For if it found not to be a necessary condition of moral
choice, then Schwartz's argument, though logically valid, will be unsound.
Schwartz's remaining premise holds
that "were P not adopted, our distant descendants significantly
affected by P's non-adoption would be people who would not have
existed had P been adopted."(9)
While the premise may seem, at first glance, to be less obviously
true than the (time-neutral) "person affecting principle" stated
above, upon reflection it seems quite undeniable. Schwartz's defense
of the premise is persuasive, and if anything understates the
case.
In describing what he calls "the case
of the disappearing beneficiaries," Schwartz correctly points out
that if any attempt is made to alter the conditions of distant future
life, that same attempt will necessarily change the roster of
individuals who exist in the distant future. It is not at all
difficult to see that this is the case. Under even slightly altered
conditions of life, different people meet, marry, mate, reproduce. The paths of the alternative futures diverge at exponentially
increasing rates, and within a very few generations (Schwartz says
six), an entire population of "merely possible persons" is replaced
by another "eventually actual" population. Matters of the most
trivial sort pull these contingencies ever further apart. The
following scene is brought to mind:
Father: "Will you look at
this! It says the Congress has just voted to bury the nuclear
wastes in Nevada."
Mother: "Never mind, dear, just
come to bed."
The couple, let us assume, were not
sufficiently distracted by the news to (ahem) forego an earlier
inclination, and as a result a child was conceived a few hours later. But this was almost certainly a different child than would have been
conceived had Father not read the news, or had he stumbled, coughed,
answered the phone, etc.(10)
For at each second, father's genetic deck of 200,000,000 gametes was
being re-shuffled. Multiply this contingency by over one billion
sexually active males, and the contingencies that attend eventual
birth of 120 million human beings each year, and I trust that the
genetic case for "disappearing beneficiaries" is more than adequately
made. But there is more. Even if (per impossible) there were more
than a few (if any) genetically identical individuals in the
alternative futures, their admittedly different life conditions would
make these potential individuals at least as different as identical
twins reared apart.(11)
Thus, to return to our original case,
the decision to announce and publish a policy to bury nuclear wastes
in Nevada will result in a population of entirely different
individuals in the remote future, destined to be either benefited or
injured by this Congressional decision.
If anything, Schwartz has grossly
understated the contingencies of future populations. For given the
constant reshuffling of a billion genetic decks and the contingencies
of meeting and mating, it follows that a "new cast" of future
individuals enters and exits the stage of "possibility" in less than
a nano-second. Conversely, the very point of even speculating about
"future particular persons" vanishes into insignificance. Like it or
not, we are reduced to dealing with indeterminate "right-bearers"
and/or "utility receivers" (according to one's preferred moral
theory). With "determinacy" crushed to a powder of an infinitude of
alternative possible futures, we are left only to choose among a menu
of rights and/or welfare opportunities for the possible persons who
(by blind luck and no possible provision on our part) win the genetic
lottery and enter the eventually actual future.
Consider all this from the point of
view of the present individual -- i.e., ourselves. At every moment of
our lives, we are "reshuffling" the genetic decks of our potential
offspring, as well as the "decks" of everyone we physically affect,
either directly or indirectly. Thus, at every moment in our lives,
each of us is obliterating several futures, and every day of our
lives we are responsible for the passing of countless merely
potential future individuals in and out of eventual existence. Yet we
do not worry ourselves about it (unless, like Jean Paul Sartre, we
wish to make a special existential point of doing so). Neither should
we worry about it, precisely because this contingency is radically
forced and indeterminate. Being beyond the reach of rational
reflection and control, it is outside the bounds of moral
responsibility.
And yet, many choices regarding the
future seem to be matters of moral significance -- matters involving
environmental and energy policies such as those noted in the opening
of this paper. These issues appear to be morally significant not
because we can affect the lives of identifiable future persons but
because we can affect the quality of life that will enjoyed, or
endured, by future persons -- whoever, among the infinite roster of
"possibles," they may, in fact, turn out to be.
And so, like it or not, Schwartz's
central premise appears to be irrefutable: Policies intended to
change conditions in the remote future will (even if generally
unsuccessful) result, in a very few generations, in populations of
different individuals.
Grant these premises, and we arrive
at Schwartz's conclusion:
C1 "We have no
obligation to any of our distant descendants to adopt policy
P."(12)
I suggest a slight rephrasing which
would not, I am sure, alter Schwartz's intent and which might remove
a significant ambiguity:
C2 We have no
obligation to any individuals who will be our distant descendants
to adopt P.
Why not? Because, of course, nothing
that we do will in any way alter the conditions of their lives (i.e.,
the lives of those eventually particular individuals). So long as
future persons are, in general, even slightly better off alive than
dead, such persons born in an overcrowded, resource-depleted,
cancer-ridden world would have no cause to complain of us, not even
if we now have it within our power to avoid these conditions and
create an abundant, secure, clean, and just civilization for the
future.(13)
For if we did bring about the better future, the otherwise
"unfortunates" would not exist to enjoy the "improved" conditions --
others would. The future that results from our negligence is the only
future available for them, thus we owe nothing to
them.(14)
The conclusion seems wildly
counter-intuitive. Yet we are hard-pressed to avoid it. The argument
persuades Schwartz to embrace his conclusion (C1). It
persuades Parfit to reject the "person-affecting principle" which, in
effect, serves as a premise to the argument. For my part, I find
Schwartz's argument to be valid. The conclusion C1 follows
from Schwartz's premises. Moreover, the "disappearing beneficiaries
premise" is correct. Schwartz's error, I will contend, is his
careless assumption that having proven C2;
i.e.:
C2 We have no
obligation to any individuals who are our distant descendants to
adopt P.
he has also proven the claim that
opened our account of his position; namely:
C3 "We have
no obligation extending indefinitely or even terribly far into the
future to provide any widespread, continuing benefits to our
descendants."(15)
or the bolder claim, implicit therein
and in his paper that:
C4 We have
no moral obligations to improve the living conditions of persons
who will live in the remote future.
In short, the "validity" which I
concede to Schwartz' formal argument extends only to its conclusion
-- C2. By extending his inferences beyond to C3
and C4, he has left formal validity behind. It is here
that his argument is vulnerable.
My response will be in two parts. First, while I will concede that the radical contingency of the
genetic make-up of future persons absolves us of all obligation to
act "in behalf of" any remotely future individuals, I will
argue that this moral absolution does not entail a moral permission
to disregard entirely the remote consequences of our policies. On the
contrary, we remain as obligated as ever to enhance the welfare and
life prospects of future persons. Second I will suggest that
Schwartz's argument, applied within the lives of persons rather than
to the long history of civilization, leads to the repugnant
conclusion that we have no long-term obligations to contemporary
persons.. Furthermore, and conversely, the conditions of continuity
which afford moral legitimacy to personal obligations among
contemporaries likewise entail moral responsibility for the life
conditions of distant generations.
III
The Founding Fathers Argument. It may be helpful to view "the future
persons paradox" from a different time perspective. That paradox
seems to imply that we have no obligations to our remote descendants. But let us examine the situation from the perspective of the
descendants and ask ourselves, "What were the moral requirements, if
any, of our ancestors?"
Consider an example from American
History. In 1787 the Constitution of the United States was approved
and signed in Philadelphia. This document was drawn and enacted, in
the words of its Preamble, in behalf of "ourselves and our
posterity." While the first ten amendments to that Constitution
(ratified soon thereafter) guaranteed rights and liberties to most
citizens, the framers of the Constitution failed to utilize the
opportunity of that convention to abolish slavery.
By Schwartz's account,
present-day Americans need not be grateful that the Constitution was
ratified and that they thus enjoy political liberty, for they were
not "made better off" by that event.(16)
For had it not been ratified, they would not exist today. (Nor would
they exist today if George Washington had sneezed or John Hancock had
spilled the inkwell.) Conversely, neither should they feel regret
that slavery was not abolished at that time, for no individuals born
subsequently were harmed, since they would otherwise not have
existed. But even if an American citizen living today were to grant
that his existence follows both from the ratification of the Bill of
Rights and from the failure to abolish slavery (not to mention an
infinitude of other intervening events), is he then to conclude that
the founding fathers are to be, respectively, neither praised or
blamed for the ultimate effects of their acts upon posterity? The
suggestion seems bizarre. Our moral intuitions would, I think, direct
us to conclude that both praise and blame might, respectively, be
directed to the conveners.(17)
Let's see how this might be so.
If we are to pass moral judgment upon
the founding fathers, our judgment must follow the basic conditions
of moral evaluation. This means that we must "take the moral point of
view," which entails, in part, that we must (a) utilize principles
that are general,(18)
and (b) regard ourselves as spectators, rather than directly
interested individuals. These requirements reflect the fact that
notwithstanding their significant differences, most moral
philosophers agree that moral principles apply to individuals by
description and not denotatively; that is, due to shared general
qualities and relations rather than qualities that distinguish
persons as individuals.(19)
In other words, moral principles are no respecters of "denotatively"
particular individuals. Rather, such principles apply generally to
all persons who may fall under conditions abstractly described by the
principles.(20)
(Our legal tradition personifies this impartiality as a blindfolded
woman with balance scales). The task of moral judgment and evaluation
is to apply general principles to particular cases.
Consider a simple example: If I owe
John $10 I should pay him, not because he is John, but because John
is the individual to whom I owe $10; that is to say, not because of
the innumerable qualities that make him John and distinguish him from
all other persons, but because this collection of qualities that is
John is involved in the relationship of my having made a promise to
him, and that promise falls under the rule "P should fulfill promises
made to Q" (P and Q being variables, instantiated in this instance by
me and John). In other words, the recipient of my payment is
identified designatively (in terms of his role with regard to me),
not denotatively (in terms of the qualities and life history that
identify and distinguish him). Consider next a case of
non-reciprocating duty: I should refrain from leaving broken glass on
the beach, not for the "sake" of a denotatively particular
beneficiary of that duty (for if I fulfill that duty, there will be
no particular beneficiary), but to prevent possible harm to anyone
with the general descriptive qualities of "barefoot user of that
beach." Duties to the remote future resemble the latter
case.
While it is quite
true that people in the remote future are indeterminate as
individuals, this fact hardly compromises the moral significance of
our dealings with them. Quite the contrary, the metaethical rule of
impartiality ("generality"), all too violable in our dealings with
contemporaries, becomes inviolable when we assess the effects of our
acts and policies upon the remote future. For, while in the former
case we should disregard characteristics which distinguish particular
individuals from each other, in the latter case we must do
so.
From the time perspective of the
ratifiers of the American Constitution, those Americans now living
had no privilege of place among the infinite number of possible
persons who might have lived (at our time) in the future beyond 1787. From the moral point of view, denotatively particular persons have no
preference. Our forbearers could not foresee us, and even if they
could have, they shouldn't have. Moral rules apply to persons only if
these persons have general qualities, or relations, to which these
rules have application. That we, as particular persons, eventually
came to exist is an accident -- an accident that was indeterminate
and indeterminable from the point of view of our
ancestors.(21)
It follows from all this that if
living Americans are to pass moral judgment upon the members of the
Constitutional convention, they must do so from the moral point of
view -- from the point of view of disinterested
spectators,(22)
not particularly affected individual agents. And if they take the
moral point of view, it follows that they must give our selves no
place of preference among the virtually infinite other "possible
persons." That being so, our ancestors, like our selves, were
permitted, even required, to choose that which appeared to their best
judgment to provide for the optimum future. Now that choice has the
strange result that the very fact of making it has changed the
beneficiaries thereof. (Not only that choice, but an indefinitely
large number of additional events at the time and subsequently, have
changed the beneficiaries.) But since the eventual beneficiaries
amount to virtually 1/[infinity] of possible beneficiaries, the question of
"who (individually) gets the payoff" is a question of vanishing
insignificance. Instead we are left (as were the founding fathers)
with the choice between better or worse conditions in the future that
will fall upon an infinitesimal fraction of the vast array of
"possibles" when, with the inexorable advance of time and
generations, the flux of possibility is frozen into
actuality.
Thus, if, in judging our ancestors,
we take the moral point of view, as we should and must if our
judgments are to be moral ones, we must (a) ignore our particularity
and individuality in this judgment, (b) regard our actuality as a
fortunate and totally unforeseeable and unmanageable accident (as the
eventual identity of our successors two hundred years hence is
totally beyond our knowledge), and (c) acknowledge that our
predecessors were faced with a choice of alternate futures -- a
forced choice, since one or another future would come about, even if
they had "done nothing" -- a choice of predictably and discriminably
better or worse conditions of life. And yet those who, like Schwartz,
take the future persons paradox seriously would have us believe that
given the choice, say, between a population of happy, healthy,
secure, fulfilled persons, and another population of miserable
individuals whose life, on the balance, is barely worth living, we
have no obligation whatever to prefer one to the other.
This argument indicates, I hope, that
the choice between discriminably alternative futures does have moral
significance. It has this significance even though, due to radical
circumstances of time and procreation, we can not choose "person
affecting" conditions of life for identifiable individuals in the
remote future -- i.e., conditions of life made better for particular individuals. We can, however, choose conditions of life, in
general. Given no opportunity to improve the lives of remotely
distant individuals by affecting their lives, we nonetheless
manifestly have the opportunity to choose among lives of variable
quality. It is, in fact, the only choice we have and it is a forced
choice. Given a forced choice between an indeterminate individual A who is happy and fulfilled, and a different indeterminate
individual B who barely prefers life to nonexistence --
given this choice, opting for life A may directly rest upon
the primary moral premise that "happiness is better than misery." I
am not prepared to defend this choice, but I suggest that a demand to
do so may be as "reasonable" as a demand to prove that there are
other minds, that there is an external world, or that induction is
based upon the uniformity of nature. These are assumptions which,
while they may intrigue philosophers, are seriously doubted by no one
except the deranged. In other words, in opting for better
circumstances of life for our remote posterity, I suggest that we may
have reached moral bedrock.
We arrive, then, at this moral
judgment of the founding fathers at the Constitutional Convention. If
they were, as they stated, acting in behalf of their "posterity," a
present-day American can meaningfully judge that the proposal at
Philadelphia to amend a Bill of Rights was morally commendable and
that the concurrent decision not to abolish slavery was blameworthy. This was so, even though, had either decision been different, that
individual American would not have existed today. Returning to the
original time perspective: Now we might imagine future persons saying
"If, at the close of the 20th century, they had managed to adopt
policies to mitigate global warming, other people would have been
alive now instead of us and they would have been much healthier and
happier. It would have been a better world to live in." If their
judgment is properly moral (i.e., taken from a moral point of view),
they will correctly observe, "What a pity! Our ancestors did a
terrible thing." But of course if we do what is "best" for their
generation, these particular moral observers will not exist and,
parenthetically, have no cause to regret their not coming into actual
existence.
IV
Schwartz's argument against the
obligation to our remote successors ignores, presumably for the sake
of simplicity, the conditions of life of intervening generations. I
suggest that if we introduce this consideration, we do not merely
complicate his argument, we might even undermine it. This contention
might be defended by an analogy which, though it may at first seem
far-fetched, may at length be instructive. It is an analogy between
the history of civilization (e.g. between present and remote
generations) and the life of an individual.
The Case of the Profligate
Parent: Consider the case of James, a young single parent of a
two-month old boy, Richard. James receives a small inheritance which
he might place in a trust fund to support Richard's education. However, he has other ideas. Instead of investing the money, he buys
a yacht and takes year-long trip around the world. Richard, in the
meantime, is placed in a foster home and eventually adopted by a poor
family. As a consequence, Richard is unable to attend college and, in
fact, is obliged to leave high school to support himself and his
adoptive family. Had James not purchased his yacht and had he
maintained custody of his son, Richard would have attended medical
school and would have enjoyed a prosperous and fulfilling life as a
doctor. As it is, he will be an impoverished, unskilled laborer for
the remainder of his life. Clearly our intuitions tell us that
James's course of action was grossly unfair to Richard, for in it
James violated his parental responsibilities.
Now let's try a Schwartzian analysis
of the case (admittedly superficial). If James had fulfilled his
obligation to Richard, then the course of Richard's life after the
age of two months would have been radically different. Not only his
education, but also the influence of his neighborhood, friends, and
family would have directed his life differently. At age thirty,
Richard's life prospects would have been significantly improved. As
it turned out, the thirty-year-old Richard was poorly treated and
apparently had good reason to condemn James for his profligacy. (Conversely, according to ordinary "common sense" judgment, a
wretchedly poor third-world child, adopted by a comfortably-placed
European or North American family, should consider himself very
fortunate.(23)
Could Schwartz, with consistency, say as much? Read on!)
But did Richard "have good reason" to
condemn James? Let's answer this question "in the Schwartzian mode."
From this perspective, Richard the laborer became a different person
than he would have been had he remained with his father and trained
to be a doctor. Had James done his duty, the actual Richard would
never have existed. James's selfishness was a necessary condition for
the existence of Richard's individual, distinguishing personality. Conversely, had James met his responsibilities, "Dr. Richard" would
have no cause for gratitude, since he would not have been "worse off"
had he not enjoyed these benefits. He, ("Dr. Richard"), simply would
not be. Rather, "he" would have been a different person with the same
genetic code (like identical twins raised apart).
But isn't all this is far-fetched and
quite unfair to Schwartz's position? For have I not failed to
consider in this account the fact that Richard was a continuing
person who, in either case, would have evolved to these contrasting
conditions of life? For as he thus evolved, he would have
experienced, respectively, frustration and despair, or hope and
fulfillment. His stages of life, in either case, would have been
linked and unified by the strands of memory, habit, character,
aspiration, and reflection that defined his continuing self. It is,
in short, a grave error to compare these widely separated stages in
his life without considering the intervening time that binds his
infancy with his adulthood. Once the intervening time is brought back into
the picture, and the continuity acknowledged, the strangely
concocted rationalization of his father's irresponsibility
collapses.
Therein, I believe, lies a telling
argument against Schwartz's absolution of moral responsibility to
remote generations. For continuing civilizations, like continuing
individuals, are linked by strands of hope and fulfillment, or of
dread and frustration. The difference is that in the case of
civilizations, the conditions obtain not within a single life but
within and among a collection of lives bound by the patterns of
interaction and the shared traditions, values, and expectations that
make the aggregate a community. Furthermore, members of flourishing
and continuing communities normally regard the life conditions and
prospects of their contemporaries and successors, as well as their
own life conditions and prospects, as matters of personal concern --
i.e., they normally care not simply for themselves, but also for
other persons, things, places, institutions, ideals, etc. In fact, as
many have argued, an incapacity for such "self-transcending concern"
(a condition variously described as "alienation" or "narcissism")
might be regarded as a wretched and unenviable
psychopathology.(24)
If we project a time many generations
hence in which people will live under circumstances much diminished
from our own, then we must assume that those who live in the
intervening time will, in general, experience and endure the decline
of civilized life, and due to this process of decline, they will
suffer despair, anxiety, frustration, and deprivation. The communal
experience is not unlike the personal experience of an individual who
suffers a decline in his health, fortune, or reputation. Conversely,
if we and our successors envisage and successfully work toward a
better future, we and our successors will live with hope, enthusiasm
and a sense of personal and communal fulfillment, much like a young
person with promising professional and personal prospects before
him.(25)
And so, just as it was wrong to
subject the infant Richard to disadvantageous circumstances and
prospects, so too is it wrong to set the course of succeeding
generations on the path of declining expectations, when we might
instead have the option of affording them opportunities for long-term
fulfillment, abundance, and satisfaction.
Civilizations through history, and
perhaps persons throughout their lifetimes, are like Wittgenstein's
rope. Between stages or eras, widely separated through time, there
may be no linking "strands" that endure throughout, yet the
continuing rope binds them together. In an individual, memories,
dispositions, habits, anticipations, aspirations come and go. Yet
these traits are integrated into a continuing and enduring
personality.(26)
In a civilization, the component lives come and go, and the shared
traditions, ideals, and aspirations, held both individually and
collectively, likewise arise, evolve, and perish (but often over
several generations), just as the strands of a rope begin and end
while the rope endures throughout. And so, though we grant that the
individuals who might exist in an infinitude of alternate remote
futures will be entirely different individuals in each future, we
still have reason to ask, regarding various futures, "How shall we
get there from here?" -- i.e., "What is to be the intervening course
of civilization and the life conditions therein." Just as we cannot
ethically disregard the course of a life between two widely separated
stages of that life, neither can we be morally indifferent to the
time and circumstances that intervene between the era of our
generation and that of a remote successor generation. Just as our
responsibility to a "later self" is linked to the present by the
continuities that identify an individual life, so too is our
responsibility to remote descendants linked by the conditions of life
of intervening generations. We are responsible, not only for the life
conditions and prospects of those who will live in the remote future,
but also for the intervening conditions that link our lives with
their lives. For reasons that are remarkably comparable, both the
profligate parent and the profligate generation are morally
blameworthy.
V
Finally, the Case of the Deadly Cache.(27)
Imagine two ten-year old boys, James and John. They were born
hundreds of miles apart, at which time the parents of James had no
acquaintance or association whatever with the parents of John. Ten years
later, they are next-door neighbors.
Eleven years earlier, James’ father,
George, buried a container of toxic waste in his
back yard, and the following night, James was conceived. At time-present,
James and John are playing in the back yard, whereupon they uncover the
container and are poisoned by the toxic waste, causing serious and permanent
injury to both.
According to Schwartz’s analysis, James owes his very existence to that
container. Had George taken the waste to a legal disposal site, a
genetically different child, “Jenny,” would have been conceived. Accordingly, James was not made “worse off” by his father’s negligence
eleven years earlier, and thus has no cause for complaint. On the other
hand, John’s conception was totally unrelated to and independent of that
act. Thus, he does in fact have cause for complaint – he was made “worse
off” by the burial.
That conclusion is intuitively bizarre on its face, and one cannot imagine
any legislature or subsequent court of law recognizing a substantive
difference in the moral or legal evaluation of the two cases, due to the
“radical contingency” of James’ conception. Both boys were injured due to
the negligence of James’ father, though James would not have existed
otherwise – another child, “Jenny,” would have been born. But a distinction
between two different lives – that of a healthy Jenny and a seriously and
permanently injured James – can not be regarded as morally indifferent.
It gets worse. Consider next this puzzle: Suppose a young father,
Charles, following the birth of his child Jane, sets up a fund for the
college education of all his children. Subsequently, another child,
Joan, is born. According to Schwartz’s hypothesis, had the Charles failed to set up that account he would
have harmed Jane but not Joan, for that foregone trip to the bank would have
“reshuffled” his genetic deck, thus causing a different child than Joan to
be born. This consideration, however, does not apply to Jane whose birth
took place before the father’s decision not to provide for both of the
daughters. Accordingly, Jane has cause for complaint, but Joan does not. Which leads me to wonder: Does Thomas Schwartz have children, and did he, in
advance of their birth, provided for their college education? If so, what
was his justification for doing so?
This is the
justification: the hypothetical father did not provide for the future
individual person, "Joan," but rather for an indeterminate "future child."
Had he stopped at a bar for a drink along the way to the bank, Joan would
never exist and a genetically different child would have come along.
No matter. That eventual child would be equally entitled to support
from the fund. And if the father failed to set up the account, both
"Jane" and her indeterminate future younger sibling, would have been equally
wronged.
Put another way, by
setting up the fund before Jane was born, Charles did not do so to benefit
Jane, he did so to benefit "any future children." At the time, "Jane,"
as an identifiable individual, was unknown and unknowable. Only later
would the individual "Jane" come along to fill that "place-marker."
Jane, as a denotatively identifiable individual, was not entitled to the
fund because, strictly speaking, when the fund was established, there was no
Jane. However later on, Jane, as an individual fitting the designation
"future child of Charles" was so entitled.
The same analysis
applies to "the deadly cache," described above. The negligent father,
George, set up the conditions that would injure an individual, unknown and
unknowable at the time, who would fit the description of "future child of
George injured by the toxic waste." Tragically, James eventually came
along to fill that description.
Apply this now
to the remote future. The activist determined to promote climate and
energy policies to benefit the future, is not doing so to benefit any
particular and determinate individual. He can't, both because he
cannot identify such an individual, but also, more significantly, because
his activism will cause eventual people to enjoy better lives than the
different people who would face the devastation due to the "business as
usual" by the current generation. He is not acting to
improve the lives of particular future lives; he is acting to bring about a
better future with happier, albeit different, individuals.
It appears, then, that if it is
wrong to harm someone by causing injury to that person, it is
equally wrong to be responsible for the existence of a life that
suffers injury, even if the cause of that injury to the latter
person is a sine qua non of that person’s existence.
VI
Summing up:
Once again, the bare bones of Schwartz'
argument is a conclusion following two premises:
Premise 1.
The
Disappearing Beneficiaries: Any attempt to improve the lives
of remotely future persons will result in different persons existing in
that future.
Premise 2.
The
Person Affecting Principle: We should do what harms people
least and benefits them the most (thus affecting the welfare of
particular individuals).
Conclusion: We have no
obligation to any individuals who will be our distant descendants
to adopt policies designed to improve future conditions or avoid future
harms. (Note the italics).
This is, I will stipulate, a
formally valid argument. It is also sound: both premises are
true.
But this is not the conclusion that Schwartz
arrives at. Instead, he concludes "We have no
moral obligations to improve the living conditions of persons who
will live in the remote future."
To
arrive at this conclusion, an additional premise is required:
Premise
3. The Person affecting principle is a
necessary condition of moral obligation.
Reject this premise, and the
"extended conclusion" is a non-sequitor.
Schwartz' error is his failure to
recognize or acknowledge that the Person Affecting Principle, while
true, is not applicable to all cases of moral obligation. The
Person Affecting Principle is an incomplete moral principle. That is to say, (a) while it
is entirely correct that it is morally praiseworthy to favorably affect
(“benefit”) an actual individual life and morally blameworthy to unfavorably
affect (“harm”) that life, (b) such “person-affects” do not exhaust the
domain of morally significant acts. Beyond the scope of the Person
Affecting Principle are those occasions when it is in principle
totally impossible to deal with identifiable individual lives, and
yet one is faced with a forced choice between hypothetical
populations with variable and discernable degrees of value in their
lives.
Such an occasion is precisely that which was
faced by the founders of the American republic at the Constitutional
Convention of 1787, as they were drafting a political charter “for
ourselves and our posterity.” It is likewise the occasion faced
today by the American Congress along with the governments of all
industrialized states, as they face the informed consequences of
their environmental policies upon future generations.
The improvement of particular individual future lives is not the business of
environmental policy. It can't be for the simple reason that remotely future
individuals are unidentifiable in the present. So, instead, the objective of
environmental policy must be to improve the prospects of those who will live
in the future. In other words, environmental policy-makers are choosing
among different populations with varying life prospects for those
populations. Moreover, these are forced decisions. Absent cosmic
catastrophes (e.g., an asteroid collision) and ultimate human folly (e.g., a
nuclear war), there will be future generations. Because of the
aforementioned radical indeterminacy of future populations (containing a
finite number of the infinitude of unrealized “possibles”), we are today in
no position to identify and to select among the individuals who will live in
the future. Instead, we have a forced choice of better or worse living
conditions for whomever may live in the future – which, as Schwartz
correctly points out, amounts to a choice between better and worse, albeit
different, human lives. And these remain morally significant decisions, even
though they are not decisions that will alter the quality of eventual
individual lives.
Copyright 1998, JAI Press, and 2002, The White
Horse Press.
NOTES
1. Robert Merrihew Adams, "Existence,
Self-Interest and the Problem of Evil," Nous 13 (1979), pp. 53-65. Gregory Kavka, "The Paradox of Future Individuals,"
Philosophy and Public Affairs, 11 (1982): 93-122. Christopher Morris, "Existential Limits to the Rectification of Past
Wrongs," American Philosophical Quarterly, 21 (April, 1984),
175-82. The most extensive examination of the problem is by Derek Parfit in his
Reasons andPersons, Clarendon Press, Oxford
(1984), especially Chapter 16. This important book integrates ideas
regarding the paradox that Parfit explored earlier in numerous
influential papers.
2. Thomas Schwartz, "Obligations to Posterity,"
in Obligations to Future Generations, ed. R. I. Sikora and
Brian Barry (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, l978), p. 3-13. It is worth noting that while Schwartz readily embraces the
implication that we have no obligations to remotely future
generations, most of the above-mentioned philosophers (and
additionally, myself) resist this conclusion. Perhaps moral
philosophers have an acquired tolerance for paradox that is less
commonplace in other scholarly professions.
3. Short of producing lives which are, on
balance, not worth living -- a qualification which will be
elaborated, below.
4.
Loc. cit., p. 3.
5. My failure to make this logical point clear,
drew fire from two critics of an earlier version of this paper. They
complained that while I conceded that Schwartz's argument was valid,
I nonetheless rejected his conclusion without identifying the flawed
premise. (As any logic student should know, if an argument is
formally valid and a conclusion false, it must follow that at least
one premise is false). My dispute is not with the strictly
formal conclusion of his argument, but with his re-interpretation of that argument; that, in fact, he is
claiming more than his argument yielded. (Fallacy of ignoratio
elenchi).
6. Derek Parfit, "Rights, Interests, and
Possible People," Moral Problems in Medicine, ed. Samuel Gorovitz, et. al. (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall,
1976), p. 371. Also, Parfit,
Reasons and Persons, loc. cit, Chs. 16 & 18, Jan Narveson, "Moral Problems of Population," in
Ethics and Population, ed. Michael Bayles, (Cambridge:
Schenkman Publishing Co., l976), p. 73. A recent formulation (1993)
which I find to be especially direct and clear, is by Larry Temkin
and reads: "One situation cannot be worse (or better) than
another if there is no one for whom it is worse (or
better)." "Harmful Goods, Harmless Bads," Value, Welfare, and
Morality, ed. R. G. Frey and Christopher W. Morris, (New York:
Cambridge, 1993), p. 290. Strictly speaking, there is not "a"
"person-affecting principle" -- there are several nuances,
formulations and interpretations, even within a single work (e.g.,
Chapter 16 of Parfit's Reasons and Persons). However, an
exploration of these differences will serve no useful purpose in this
paper.
7. Schwartz, op. cit., pp. 11-2. Italics in the original. By "P" Schwartz means "a restrictive
population policy," but clearly any efficacious policy, or act,
fulfills the rule. Incidentally, although Schwartz is obviously
dealing with a form of the "person-affecting principle" he does not
identify it by that name, nor does he refer to any philosophers that
do (e.g., Parfit and Narveson).
9.
Ibid., p. 10.
10. For an amusing account of this "radical
contingency," see Garrett Hardin, "The Semantics of Abortion," in
Hardin, Stalking the Wild Taboo, 2nd edition (Los Altos:
Kaufmann, l978), pp.12-3. Reprinted in my "The Paradoxical Right to Life."
www.crisispapers.org/Editorials/right-to-life.htm .
11. While Schwartz does not, in fact, make
this point about cultural contingencies, it can only serve to
strengthen his argument.
12. Schwartz,
op. cit., p. 11.
13. If we cause people to exist in the future
in such a condition that the average rational individual would have
good reason to reflect, "I wish I had never been born," then, knowing
this, we would be required not to so act. Why? Because for the "net
minus" future person it would, in fact, have been better for him if a
different hypothetical person had existed. Accordingly, there is a
lower limit to the mischief that we can do -- there is, that is to
say, an obligation not deliberately to cause a "net minus future."
However, for future conditions above that threshold, the Future
Persons Paradox remains in full force.
14. The implications of this conclusion range
from the practically significant to the bizarre. Among the former is
the suggestion by Christopher Morris that the paradox jeopardizes the
claims of present persons (e.g., Afro-Americans and Native Americans)
for reparations for wrongs done to their ancestors. Morris, op.
cit. Among the latter is Schwartz' claim that those born after
World War II would "have to be stunningly altruistic to regret any of
Hitler's significant actions." (Thomas Schwartz, personal
correspondence to Ernest Partridge, 30 March, 1982).
15. Schwartz, op. cit., p. 3.
16. Regarding this sentence, an anonymous
referee asks: "Given the terms of the argument so far, shouldn't we
be grateful that the Constitution was ratified, since we wouldn't
have existed if it hadn't been?" On a superficial common-sense level,
he is correct: we should be "grateful." But that common-sense view
overlooks the deep paradox in Schwartz' (and others') argument. We
allegedly should be grateful to be alive, rather than -- what? According to "the person-affecting principle," we can
make useful comparisons between better and worse conditions of life,
but not between a certain condition of life and never existing (as
distinguished from "dead," meaning "formerly existing"), for in the
latter case there is no "person" to be "affected," thus we have a
"relation" without a relatum. In other words, a
propos "the person-affecting principle," the operative term in
my paraphrase of Schwartz' argument is "made better off." If Schwartz
is right, while we may be grateful to our contemporaries for
"improvements" in our lives, the Constitutional Convention of 1787
can in no way be said to have "improved" our lives. If all this
appears weird to the reader (as it does to me), then I have made my
point: the apparent plausibility of Schwartz' argument may be
seriously compromised when, while retaining the terms and assumptions
of his argument, we shift our time perspective from present-to-future
to present-to-past.
17. Strange to say, while the founding fathers
acted in behalf of posterity in general, they did not,
because they could not, act in behalf or us as particular individuals. Thus while we might concede to our referee (see
previous note) that we have (in common-sense terms) reason to be
"grateful" for the adoption of the Bill of Rights and the failure to
abolish slavery (not to mention an infinitude of subsequent events),
we can not be "grateful to" the ratifiers, for they did not
(as they could not) have intended our particular
existences.
18. Cf. John Rawls,
A Theory of
Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), p. 131-2.
19. The most significant "distinguishing
qualities" that denotatively identify an individual person are, of
course, his particular genetic code and the set of events in his
life-history that make up his memory and form his habits, attitudes,
and dispositions -- in short, his character. These qualities, which
radically determine individuality, are utterly unknowable from the
perspective of the remote past.
20. I cannot elaborate, or even defend, the
concept of "the moral point of view" without risking a fatal
digression from the topic of this paper. Suffice to say, the the
notion asserts that the moral agent is obliged to make moral
judgments from a perspective in which one sees oneself as one of many
"players" affected by his decision, but with no advantages accruing
to oneself as a result of one's unique tastes, circumstances or goals. (Rawls's "veil of ignorance" in the Original Position captures this
notion). This is a view held in common by moral philosophers
throughout history, uniting such diverse thinkers as Hume, Kant,
Mill, Hare and Rawls -- indeed virtually all moral philosophers, with
such notable exceptions as Nietzsche and Ayn Rand. Even radical
individualists such as the Libertarians insist that their principles
apply to all persons, without discrimination. Rawls, among others,
regards this perspective as more than another "moral theory." It is,
he says, among "the formal constraints of the concept of right" --
the presupposition that defines a decision as morally entailed. (A Theory of Justice,
Harvard, 1971, pp.130-6). For an elaboration of my position on "the moral point of view," see
my "Are We Ready for an Ecological Morality?", Environmental
Ethics, 4:1 (Summer, 1982); "On the Rights
of Future Generations," Upstream/Downstream: Issues in
Environmental Ethics, Temple University Press, 1990, and
"The Moral Point
of View," Chapter Six of Conscience of a Progressive
(unpublished, at "The Online Gadfly")
www.igc.org/gadfly/progressive/moral.htm.
21. Not only an "accident," but an event that,
from the perspective of two-hundred years ago was virtually
impossible. (Sartre and others have, of course, spilled a lake of ink
over such matters as this). On the other hand, from our perspective, our
existence is a matter of total Cartesian certainty.
22. Rawls would say "indiscriminate
contractors with no knowledge of distinguishing individual qualities,
preferences or circumstances" (my paraphrase). Notwithstanding
significant differences among their moral theories, the generality
condition applies alike to Hare's "universal prescribers," Rawls's
"rational contractors," the utilitarians' "disinterested spectators,"
and Kant's "moral will."
23. This is by no means a rare event. In fact,
such adoptions are routinely reported in the popular press. For
example, see Mary Jo McConahay, "The Baby Trade," Los Angeles TIMES
Magazine, December 16, 1990.
24. See my "Why Care About the Future"" in
Responsibilities to Future Generations, ed. Ernest
Partridge, (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1981).
25. The significance of this
multi-generational perspective to moral consciousness is eloquently
expressed by Annette Baier:
The crucial role we fill, as
moral beings, is as members of a cross-generational community, a
community of beings who look before and after, who interpret the
past in the light of the present, who see the future as growing
out of the past, who seem themselves as members of enduring
families, nations, cultures, traditions. Perhaps we could even use
Kant's language and say that it is because persons are noumenal beings that
obligations to past persons and to future persons reinforce one
another, that every obligation is owed by, to and toward persons
as participants in a continuing process of the generation and
regeneration of shared values.
From
"The Rights of Past and Future Persons," in Partridge, op. cit. 1981, p. 177. See also Nicolai Hartmann's "Love of the Remote" in
his Ethics, Vol. 2. (London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1931), p 311. Abridged version in Partridge,
op. cit.
26. Cf. Derek Parfit, "Later Selves and Moral Principles,"
Philosophy and
Personal Relations, ed. Alan Montefiore (London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, l973), pp 137-69. My account of personality suggests Parfit's "complex view of the self." Even so, I believe that I might
be able to persuade an advocate of the "simple view." While he would
insist that there is a "deep strand" that unites all stages of a
life, he might still concede that, as one changes through stages of
life, he is notably a "different person" than he was at an earlier
age. That concession might suffice to make my point.
27. The remainder of this
essay is from the later publication, "The Future -- For Better or
Worse," (Environmental Values 11, 2002, pp 79-80).